The University of Edinburgh and the United States at 250 (part three)

'1619' and '1776' may be shorthand summaries for different interpretations of the American Revolution but they have deep historiographical roots. For most of the twentieth century historians of the Revolution fell into two broad camps: those who prioritized the ideas that animated the Revolutionaries (as well as their imperial and Loyalist opponents) viewing the American Revolution in ideological terms, and historians, who, by contrast, sought the motives behind the ideals of the Revolution. The latter built on the insights offered by social history to recover the experiences of marginalized groups and showed how political and economic power shaped the founding of the United States. During the bicentennial people on the Left and Right drew on both traditions to shape their versions of the Revolution. 

After the end of the Cold War, historians of the United States were less interested in questions of ideology and class struggle (though these concerns never entirely disappeared) and increasingly focused on questions of race, identity, and geography. The result has been an efflorescence in scholarship on the American Revolution. We know much more about enslaved persons, Indigenous people, women, and the poor in the Age of Revolution than ever before. We’ve also expanded the geographic scope of the Revolution well beyond the thirteen colonies along the Atlantic littoral in North America. The American Revolution can no longer be confined to the stories of a few elite, 'Founding Fathers' in Virginia, Pennsylvania and Massachusetts. 

Despite this surge in scholarship, some of the best of which has been produced by the contributors to this volume, the Revolution itself seems to have lost its relevance for many, both scholars within the academy and American citizens in general. We are left with a paradox: we know more about the American Revolution than ever before yet, apart from a few popular studies of well-known figures (and a smash Broadway musical inspired by them), often produced by journalists, interest in the subject seems to be declining. The question our authors address -- what does the American Revolution mean to you? -- takes on particular urgency in such a context. The essays here largely fall into several categories, although the boundaries between them are not absolute. They emphasize ideas and ideology, memory and the Revolution’s legacy, questions of class and marginalization, and race and identity. 

The American Revolution means different things to the scholars who have shared their thoughts in this volume—which makes it an exciting subject of study. This volume might be read as a primary source -- a snapshot of the wide range of views among scholars about the meaning of the American Revolution. This diversity of perspectives offers readers a provocative spectrum of opinion which we hope might stimulate discussion during the semiquincentennial and beyond. For me, the American Revolution means several things. As a bloody and uncertain movement for national self-determination, the Revolution created the United States and 'Americans' as a people. The revolutionaries established a republican government: anti-monarchical, with sovereignty derived from the people, in the new United States. In so doing they transformed themselves from colonial subjects into self-governing citizens, a truly revolutionary transformation. We know that the revolutionaries had a narrow conception of who merited inclusion in their new political community and that race, class and gender imposed barriers to citizenship. In 1776 'the people' were a much smaller political community than they are today. Not all of the residents of the new republic enjoyed the fruits of the revolutionary struggle. The subsequent history of the United States might be seen as an imperfect and incomplete struggle to expand and extend rights to all Americans and fulfill the promise of the Declaration of Independence. Nonetheless, the revolution provides Americans with the language to define themselves and their relationships with each other. Without it, the nation lacks a common identity and a viable political community. This, to me, is its greatest legacy. We, contemporary U.S. citizens, may not be as interested in the American Revolution as at other points in our history but it continues to define who we are. 

Moreover, having lived outside of the United States in the immediate aftermath of the end of the Cold War when the U.S. (briefly) enjoyed a hegemonic global position, as well as for the 9/11 attacks and the subsequent Global War on Terror and the current wars in Europe and the Middle East I am daily reminded of the degree to which American power continues to shape the modern world. The rhetoric frequently used to justify the deployment or withholding of U.S. force, usually the defense of liberty and democracy, can be traced directly to the American Revolution. From my perspective, the American Revolution matters because it continues to shape the world in which we live. 

Continue to Part Four